Did Asim Munir's crackdown on hardline Islamists over blasphemy to win over Trump?

Over the years, Pakistan's blasphemy laws have been among the country's most volatile fault lines. A mere accusation has often been enough to trigger mob violence, torch churches, target minority communities and, in some cases, end in lynchings before police could intervene.

Last month in Karachi, another such incident appeared to be unfolding.

A Christian family -- four women and a child -- found themselves surrounded by an angry crowd after blasphemy allegations surfaced against them. Police officers rushing to the scene knew they had only minutes to prevent another tragedy.

However, this time, something was different.

According to news agency Reuters, the familiar slogan -- "Death to blasphemers!" -- echoed through the narrow streets, but the powerful hardline Islamist groups that had historically mobilised such crowds were nowhere to be seen. Police persuaded the crowd to disperse, the family was rescued, and an inquiry later found the accusations to be false.

The episode has come to symbolise what may be one of Pakistan's most consequential policy shifts in years: a military-led campaign against the very Islamist groups that the establishment had tolerated over the years, and at times cultivated.

The timing has also fuelled a bigger question. Is Pakistan Army chief Field Marshal Asim Munir merely restoring law and order, or is he also trying to reposition Pakistan internationally -- particularly as he builds closer ties with US President Donald Trump?

According to the report, government sources and analysts believe the answer lies somewhere in between.

PAKISTAN'S POLICY RESET

Under Munir's leadership, Pakistan appears to be taking a markedly different approach to hardline Islamist groups. The army chief has personally overseen the crackdown. Analysts say hardline Islamist groups were considered politically valuable by sections of Pakistan's security establishment. Beyond their religious appeal, they often played a role in influencing politics at home and serving strategic objectives.

Today, many of those organisations have been pushed into the background.

One source close to Munir's inner circle told Reuters the army chief was "clear that these Islamist groups and a progressing Pakistan cannot go together." He added that Munir has personally insisted on zero tolerance towards fundamentalist groups as he seeks to improve Pakistan's international standing.

Talal Chaudhry, Pakistan's minister of state for the interior, echoed that message.

"The state has learned lessons from past experiences. The government and the army are on one page...there has never been this much clarity. That is to crush any group that tries to hold the people or this country hostage to its dictates," Chaudhry told Reuters.

WHERE DOES TRUMP FIT INTO THE PICTURE?

Pakistan's changing posture is not driven by a single factor.

Government and security officials cited by the news agency say Pakistan is using the crackdown to signal that it is serious about improving relations with the West, reviving its economy and changing how the world sees the country.

But one element stands out.

In recent years, the Donald Trump administration has made the persecution of Christians a policy concern. Last year, the US Commission on Religious Freedom recommended that Pakistan once again be designated a Country of Particular Concern because of its blasphemy laws. Islamabad rejected that recommendation.

As Munir works to deepen his personal rapport with Trump, analysts believe addressing the influence of extremist groups has become important. Beyond the domestic crackdown, Munir has also focused on rebuilding Pakistan's international standing by forging closer ties with the US, Saudi Arabia and China while courting foreign investors.

Against that backdrop, the crackdown on Islamist organisations carries significance well beyond domestic politics. Rather than viewing it solely as a security operation, officials see it as part of Pakistan's effort to improve relations with the West.

THE ECONOMIC CALCULATION

Security is only one side of the equation.

Pakistan's fragile economy has created more incentives for change.

Pakistani officials became concerned during 2025 that campaigns led by hardline religious groups against France and other European countries could jeopardise valuable European Union trade concessions.

Nearly one-third of Pakistan's exports are destined for European markets.

Losing preferential access would have delivered another severe blow to an economy already struggling with inflation, debt and sluggish growth. Munir has also promoted Pakistan as an investment destination, particularly in its critical mineral sector, while pursuing foreign funding and new strategic partnerships.

THE NUMBERS TELL THE STORY

Perhaps the clearest evidence of the policy shift lies in the data.

According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, only 13 blasphemy cases have been registered so far this year -- roughly two-thirds fewer than during comparable periods in recent years. Reuters also cited data from Armed Conflict Location and Event Data showing Pakistan averaged more than seven blasphemy-related riots or attacks annually between 2021 and 2024.

Only one has been recorded over the past 12 months.

The biggest casualty of the crackdown has been Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), the hardline Islamist group whose supporters popularised the slogan "Death to blasphemers!" The organisation was banned last year, many of its leaders were jailed, its bank accounts frozen and several of its mosques sealed.

CAN PAKISTAN BREAK FROM ITS PAST?

The crackdown is also an extraordinary reversal in Pakistan's relationship with religious hardliners.

The TLP itself emerged in 2015, and analysts suspected that elements within Pakistan's establishment had viewed the organisation as politically useful. Following violent protests in 2017, then army chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, described TLP demonstrators as "our own people".

For Pakistan's Christian, Ahmadi and Shi'ite minorities, the immediate impact has been unmistakable.

The Christian family rescued in Karachi survived because the crowd dispersed instead of turning violent — an outcome that would have been difficult to imagine only a few years ago.

"Physically, we are safe," one of the Christian women told Reuters.

Her next sentence, however, captured the uncertainty surrounding Pakistan's apparent transformation.

The fear, she said, has not disappeared.

That may ultimately be the biggest test of Munir's campaign.

If the crackdown is sustained, it could mark a genuine break from decades of government's tolerance towards religious extremism while improving Pakistan's standing with Western partners, including the Trump administration. If it proves to be driven mainly by diplomatic, economic or geopolitical calculations, the old networks could return once political priorities change.

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With inputs from Reuters